Using GameFAQs regularly with these browsers can cause temporary and even permanent IP blocks due to these additional requests. If you are using the Brave browser, or have installed the Ghostery add-on, these programs send extra traffic to our servers for every page on the site that you browse, then send that data back to a third party, essentially spying on your browsing habits.We strongly recommend you stop using this browser until this problem is corrected. The latest version of the Opera browser sends multiple invalid requests to our servers for every page you visit. The most common causes of this issue are: Eisenhower's belief was that the risks of arms control had to be balanced against the risk inherent in the Cold War.Your IP address has been temporarily blocked due to a large number of HTTP requests. This study concludes the following: contrary to traditional interpretations, arms control was pursued seriously prior to the Kennedy administration Eisenhower was the key proponent of utilizing arms control as a vehicle for exploring an alternative to the policy of containment and that there were three concerns that dominated his pursuit of arms control - the risk to alliance cohesion, the risk to the policy of negotiation from strength, and the risk inherent in an unverifiable treaty. The purpose of this study is to explore the four phases in the formulation of arms control policy during the Eisenhower administration: (1) January 1953 to February 1955 was primarily devoted to determining whether arms control should be pursued at all before settling political disputes with the Soviet Union (2) March 1955 to May 1956 involved a limited acceptance of arms control as an element of foreign policy, as well as a final shift away from the goal of disarmament and toward an emphasis on limited measures of control (3) June 1956 until February 1958 was a time of searching more » for common ground on which to negotiate with the Soviets and (4) the final phase, which began after the departure of the President's Special assistant for Disarmament, Harold Stassen, focused on the pursuit of a test ban agreement with the Soviets. The nuclear power program, although championed ardently by the government, is now in a shambles - the victim of plant breakdowns, cost overruns, project cancellations, and rising public skepticism following the accident in 1979 at Three Mile Island. The nuclear-safety cover-up in the US - the story of this book - can now be told in full as a result of information gathered from hundreds of Freedom of Information Act requests by the author and his colleagues at the Union of Concerned Scientists. Meanwhile, the agency continued to license mammoth nuclear power stations and to offer the public soothing reassurances about safety. Senior officials at the AEC responded to the warnings from their own scientists by suppressing the alarming reports and pressuring the authors to keep quiet. There were potential flaws in the plants being built, AEC experts said, that could lead to ''catastrophic'' nuclear-radiation accidents - peace-time disasters that could dwarf any the nation had ever experienced. According to the AEC secret files, government experts continued to find additional problems rather than the safety assurances the agency wanted. The answers were slow in coming, however. The AEC gambled more » that its scientists would, in time, find deft solutions to all the complex safety difficulties. The AEC proceeded to authorize the construction of larger and larger nuclear reactors all around the country, the dangers notwithstanding. It decided, nevertheless, to push ahead with ambitious plans to make nuclear energy the dominant source of the nation's electric power by the end of the century. By the late 1950s, the AEC began to acquire frightening data about the potential hazards of nuclear technology. One of its main goals was the creation of a flourishing commercial nuclear power program. The US Atomic Energy Commission, created by Congress in 1946, grew into a uniquely powerful, mission-oriented bureaucracy.
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